Babaylan (also balian or katalonan, among many other names), were animistic shamans of the various ethnic groups of the pre-colonial Philippine islands. These shamans were almost always women or feminized men (asog or bayoc). They were believed to have spirit guides, by which they could contact and interact with the spirits (anito) and the spirit world. Their primary role were as mediums during pag-anito séance rituals. There were also various subtypes of babaylan specializing in the arts of healing and herbalism, divination, and sorcery.

Babaylan were highly-respected members of the community, on par with the pre-colonial noble class. Their influence waned when most of the ethnic groups of the Philippines converted to Islam and Catholicism. Under the Spanish Empire, babaylan were often maligned as witches and “priests of the devil” and were persecuted harshly by the Spanish clergy. In modern Philippine society, their roles have largely been taken over by folk healers, which are now predominantly male.

Babaylan and related terms are derived from Proto-Western-Malayo-Polynesian *balian, meaning “shaman” (probably originally female, transvestite, or hermaphroditic) or “medium”. Various cognates in other non-Filipino Austronesian languages include babalian, bobolian, and bo-bohizan (Kadazan-Dusun); wadian (Ma’anyan); belian, (Iban); belian (Malay); walen or walyan (Old Javanese); balian (Balinese); bolian (Mongondaw); balia (Uma); wulia or balia (Bare’e); balia (Wolio); balian (Ngaju); and balieng (Makassar).

The linguist Otto Dempwolff has theorized that it may ultimately be derived from Proto-Austronesian *bali (“escort”, “accompany”) with the suffix *-an, in the meaning of “one who escorts a soul to the other world (a psychopomp)”. However the linguists Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel have noted that there is no evidence that *balian is a suffixed form, and thus believe that Dempwolff’s interpretation is incorrect.

The most common term for shamans in the Philippines are baylan, balian, or cognates and spelling variants thereof. However, different ethnic groups had different names for shamans, including shamans with specialized roles. These are:

Abaknon: tambalan
Aeta/Agta: anitu, puyang (also poyang, pawang, pauang), huhak (diviner)
Bagobo: mabalian
Balanguingui: duwarta
Banwaon: babaiyon (also the female datu of the tribe)
Bikol: balyán, balyán-a, balyana, paraanito, paradiwata
Bukidnon: baylan
Gaddang: mailang
Hanunó’o: balyán, balyán-an
Higaonon: baylan
Ibaloi: mambunong
Igorot: mandadawak, dawak, insupak, mon-lapu, tumunoh, alpogan, mumbaki, manalisig (apprentice)
Ilocano: baglan, mangoodan, manilao, mangalag (medium), mangngagas (herbalist)
Isneg: alopogan, dorarakit, anitowan
Itneg: mandadawak, alpogan
Ivatan: machanitu (medium), maymay (midwife), mamalak (diviner)
Kankana-ey: manbunong (medium), mansib-ok (healer), mankotom (diviner, also mankutom)
Kapampangan: katulunan (also catulunan)
Karay-a: ma-aram, mangindaloan (healer), soliran (diviner, also soli-an)
Lumad: balian, balyan, mabalian
Maguindanao: walian (female shaman, midwife), pendarpa’an (medium), pedtompan (medium), tabib (healer), pangagamot ([apprentice] healer, also ebpamanggamut), ebpamangalamat (diviner)
Mamanwa: baylan, binulusan, sarok, tambajon (healer, also tambalon)
Mandaya: baylan, balyan, baliyan
Manobo: beylan, baylanen (also baylanon), manhuhusay (mediator, keeper of traditions, also tausay), manukasey (healer against sorcery), walian
Maranao: walian
Palaw’an: beljan
Sama-Bajau: balyan, wali jinn, dukun, papagan, pawang, bomoh, kalamat (diviner)
Sarangani: magbulungay
Subanen: balian, tanguiling
Suludnon: banawangon
Tagalog: katalonan (also katalona, catalona, catalonan), manganito, sonat, anitera (or anitero), lubus (herbalist), manggagagamot (healer), manghuhula (diviner), hilot (midwife)
Talaandig: walian
Tausug: mangubat (also magubat), pagalamat (diviner)
Tagbanwa: bawalyan, babaylan
T’boli: tao d’mangaw, tao mulung (healer)
Visayan: babaylan (also babailán, babailana), baylan (also balyan, balian, baliana, vaylan), daetan (also daytan, daitan), katooran (also catooran), mamumuhat, makinaadmanon, diwatera (or diwatero), anitera (or anitero), mananambal (healer), himagan (healer), siruhano (herbalist), manghuhula (diviner), mananabang (midwife)
Yakan: bahasa

Most babaylan inherited their status from an older babaylan they were voluntarily apprenticed to, usually a relative. In some cultures, like among the Isneg people, older shamans can choose apprentices from among the eligible young women of the village.

A few, however, become babaylan after experiencing what has been termed a “shamanistic initiatory crisis” (also “shamanic illness” or “shamanic madness”). This includes serious or chronic illnesses, near-death experiences, sudden seizures and trembling, depression, strange events or behavior (including climbing balete trees or disappearing for several days with no memory of the events), bouts of insanity (including those induced by psychological trauma from a past event), and strange visions or dreams. These are regarded as encounters with the spirits, where the soul of the person is said to be journeying to the spirit world. In cases like this, it is said that a spirit chose the person, rather than the other way around.

After being chosen, shamans go through an initiation rite. These rites are meant to gain or transfer the patronage of a spirit. In cases of people with “shamanic illness”, these initiation rites are regarded as the cure, where the initiate regains health or sanity by conceding to the wishes of the spirits and “answering the call”. When volunteered rather than volunteering, their relatives are usually required to pay a large fee to the senior shaman for the training. Initiation rites can range from simply inducing a trance through herbs or alcohol, to inducing personal crises through physical or psychological hardship. Extreme examples of initiation rites include getting buried alive or being immersed in water overnight.

After initiation, the apprentices are then trained in the details of their role. This training includes learning about the rituals, the chants and songs, the sacrifices appropriate for each spirit, oral histories, herbs and healing practices, and magic spells, among others. They usually assist the senior shaman during ceremonies until their training is complete, which can take months to years. Each shaman can have one or more such apprentices, at varying ranks or specializations.

Spirit guides
The shaman’s power to communicate with the spirit world is derived from their spirit companions that guide them and intercede for them. These spirits are usually referred to in euphemistic terms like abyan (“friend”), alagad or bantay (“guardian”), or gabay (“guide”), among other terms. Shamans have at least one abyan, with more powerful shamans having many. Certain individuals like powerful leaders or warriors (especially those with shaman relatives) are also believed to have their own abyan that give them magical powers. Abyan are also believed to guide, teach, and inspire skilled artists and craftsmen in the community.

Abyan spirits can be ancestor spirits, but they are more commonly non-human spirits. Shamans either had spirit companions from birth, drew their attention during the “shamanic illness”, or gained their allegiance during initiation into shamanism. Spirits are believed to be social beings, with individual quirks and personalities (both good and bad). The friendship of abyan depend on reciprocity. The shamans do not command them. People with abyan must regularly offer sacrifices to these spirits, usually consisting of food, alcoholic drinks, ngangà, and blood from a sacrificial animal (usually a chicken or a pig) in order to maintain good relations. This friendship of abyan, once earned, is enduring. They become, in essence, part of the family. The abyan of a deceased shaman will often “return” to a living relative who might choose to become a shaman as well.

The abyan are essential in shamanistic rituals as they prevent the shaman’s soul from getting lost in the spirit world. They also communicate entreaties on behalf of the shaman to more powerful spirits or deities, as well as fight evil spirits during healing or exorcism rituals.

Sex and gender
In most Philippine ethnic groups, shamans were predominantly female due to the role of the shaman (especially the medium) being an intrinsically feminine one. Among the minority of males, most belonged to a special class of shamans – the feminized men known as asog in the Visayas and bayok in Luzon. The asog assumed the voice, mannerisms, hairstyle, and dress of females. They were treated as women by the community and worked in traditionally feminine professions like shamanism, pottery, and weaving.

In Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas (1668), the Spanish historian and missionary Francisco Ignacio Alcina records that the asog became shamans by virtue of being themselves. Unlike female shamans, they neither needed to be chosen nor did they undergo initiation rites. However, not all asog trained to become shamans.

Nevertheless, male shamans remained rare. The Bolinao Manuscript (1685), for example, records that during an Inquisitional investigation of the shamans in the town of Bolinao between 1679 and 1685, animistic paraphernalia were confiscated from 148 people. Of those, 145 were female shamans, and the remaining three were transvestite male shamans.

Babaylan can freely marry and have children, including male asog who were recorded by early Spanish colonists as being married to men. In some ethnic groups, marriage was a prerequisite for gaining full shaman status.

After the Spanish conquest of the Philippines, the practice of shamanism became clandestine due to persecution by the Catholic clergy. During this period, male shamans (particularly those specialized in the non-religious arts of herbalism and healing) became predominant. Female shamans became less common, while asog (shaman or otherwise) were punished harshly and driven to hiding. The change in women’s status and the ostracization of the asog, however, did not immediately change the originally feminine role of the shamans. Male shamans in the late 17th century still dressed as women during rituals, even though they didn’t do so in their day-to-day activities. Unlike the ancient asog, they did not have sexual relations with other men, and indeed, were usually married to women.


Spirit mediums
The primary role of shamans were as spirit mediums. They were intermediaries between the physical world and the spirit world, due to their ability to influence and interact with the spirits (anito), both malevolent and benevolent.

There are two general types of spirits usually interacted with in séance rituals. The first are the environmental or nature spirits “bound” to a particular location or natural phenomenon (similar to genii loci). They “own” places and concepts like agricultural fields, forests, cliffs, seas, winds, lightning, or realms in the spirit world. Some were also “keepers” or totems of various animals and plants. They have inhuman and abstract qualities, reflecting their particular dominions. They do not normally appear in human form and are usually gender-less or androgynous. They rarely concern themselves with human affairs. Rituals involving these spirits are almost always conducted outdoors.

The second type of spirits are the “unbound” spirits which have independent existence. They appear in animal (usually as birds) or human-like forms, have gender differentiation, and have personal names. They are most similar to the fairies of European folklore. These are the most common types of spirits to become abyan, as they are the most “sociable” and can take interest in human activities. These spirits are usually referred to as engkanto (from Spanish encanto) in modern Filipino folklore. Unlike the “bound” spirits, these spirits can be invited into human households, and their rituals can take place both outdoors and indoors.

These categories are not static, however. A bound spirit can become unbound, and vice versa. Some shamans have spirit guides which are originally nature spirits that have become unbound.

Not all shamanic rituals result in spirit possession. Unbound spirits always possess shamans during rituals. Either voluntarily or involuntarily. In contrast, bound spirits, as a rule, do not possess shamans. Instead, they are simply spoken to by the shaman. Bound spirits that inadvertently “stick” to humans are considered dangerous, and are the causes of spiritual illnesses, ranging from confusion, strange food cravings, lust, to unreasoning anger. Sometimes in order to speak to certain bound spirits, the shaman may need the intercession of their abyan, who in turn will possess the shaman. Bound spirits can also be interacted with by non-shamans, like when offering sacrifices to the spirit of the forest before a hunt.

Healing was the most important role for shamans in their communites. Shamans distinguished between two kinds of illnesses, the natural (or non-spiritual) illnesses, and the spiritual illnesses. Natural illnesses do not require a shaman for healing, while spiritual illnesses do.

Natural illnesses can range from wounds, broken bones, poisoning, and snakebites.

Babaylan also performs rituals to heal and strengthen the soul or dungan of a person. Some of them are batak dungan and tupad…

Batak dungan or batakan is a ritual that strengthens and empowers the soul or dungan of a person to prepare him to face challenges, problems and obstacles. This ritual also protects the person from possible spiritual attack caused by malevolent spirits and sorcery. On the other hand, tupad or tupadan is a ritual that connects and binds the person to his abyan or ubay ( spirit guide ) in order to become a healer or babaylan.

One of the most interesting practices of babaylans from Visayas is the use of ginger in diagnosing illnesses and divination. Aside from diagnosing the source of illness, ginger is also use to foretell the individual’s future.

A key mythological creature used in babaylan geomancy in the Visayas is the bakunawa (or naga), usually depicted as a gigantic serpent or dragon with a looped tail. The movements of the bakunawa affected the physical world, from the phases of the moon, to eclipses, the weather, floods, and earthquakes. The bakunawa was central to a sixteen-point compass rose. It faces a different cardinal direction every three months; facing north (aminhan), west (katungdan), south (bagatnan), and east (sidlangan) in a given twelve-month lunar year. The mouth of the bakunawa is believed to bring misfortune and evil, and various points in the compass all had different aspects depending on where the mouth was facing. These were consulted when making future plans like travel, trade, or marriage. When building houses, shamans were also often consulted to determine the most propitious placement of the foundations to avoid the ill luck brought by the bakunawa.

Some shamans were believed to be able to control the physical world through incantations, talismans, potions, or their spirit intermediaries. Healers are more strongly associated with sorcerers than mediums. In most cases, a healer is also a sorcerer. In order to cure or counteract sorcerous illnesses, healers must themselves know sorcery. This relationship is most apparent in Siquijor Island, where healer-sorcerers are still common.

In some cultures like the Manobo people, shamans are entirely differentiated from sorcerers. Shamans deal with the spirit world and supernatural beings but do not have magical powers of their own; while sorcerers were regarded as human beings with powers gained from magical spells or objects. Illnesses believed to be caused by sorcery are treated differently from illnesses caused by spirits. The former are treated with counter-spells, simple antidotes, and physical healing; while the latter requires the intervention or dialogue with the spirits and thus a shaman ritual.

In contrast, in Visayan societies, the most powerful shamans were sorcerers known as dalagangan (also dalongdongan or busalian). They could purportedly command the elements through magic spells. Their alleged powers include conjuring fire or water, flight, shape-shifting, invisibility, invulnerability, and the ability to call down disasters. The dios-dios leaders of the Visayan peasant revolts in the late 19th century often claimed to possess these kinds of powers. A more common use of the power to command elements is rainmaking. A notable example was Estrella Bangotbanwa, a Karay-a ma-aram from southern Iloilo. According to local legend, she alleviated a three-year drought by performing a ritual that summoned a rainstorm.

Talismans and potions

Black magic
Sorcerers are also believed to have powers that cause harm to other people covertly. Healer-sorcerers who practice this kind of sorcery usually justify it as a form of criminal punishment, as a widespread belief is that black magic does not work on people who are innocent. Their targets are usually “wrongdoers” like thieves, adulterous spouses, or land grabbers. There are also “true” sorcerers who are said to have hereditary sorcerous powers. Unlike healers, they do not consider the justice of their actions. The latter type of sorcerers are often conflated with the evil supernatural (but not spiritual) beings capable of appearing human, like aswang and manananggal.

One of the most common kinds of black magic is a malevolent use of sympathetic magic. This is known by various names like kulam, gaway (Tagalog); barang, hiwit, lágà (Visayan); tanem, tamay (Ilocano); and pantak (Moro). Despite the differences in terminology, the methods are almost identical across the Philippine islands (and indeed, across Southeast Asia). This type of sorcery uses beetles, effigies, poppets, a boiling pot or some other type of representation of the target victim. These are usually “linked” by including bodily exuviae like hair or nail clippings. These are activated by chants, spells, or symbols (sometimes syncretized with Christian or Muslim rituals). The sorcerer then either harms the effigy to cause corresponding harm to the victim, or physically “sends” objects into the victim’s body (which can range from insects, stones, to pins). In some instances, the ingredients of the ritual themselves determine the effects. For example, adding seawater to a boiling pot “linked” to a victim is said to cause the victim’s belly to swell and ache in time with the tides. This type of sorcery was documented as early as the 17th century by Francisco Combés.

Other malevolent powers are more direct. These include the ability to kill another person instantly with magic spells, the ability to cast curses or the evil eye, the ability to “abduct” a person’s soul, or the ability to send evil spirits or familiar animals to possess or harm the victim.

Some of these purportedly sorcerous powers may be explained by the use of poisons (hilo or lason) and sleight of hand. In most cases however, accusations of this type of black magic are often borne out of paranoia, moral panic, or mass hysteria against disliked or mistrusted members of the community, similar to the European witch-hunts. People accused of black magic were often subject to ostracization and in many cases, violence. This was especially true during the Spanish colonial period, where in one instance in the mid-19th century, a Filipino curate ordered the assassination of 57 people he suspected were sorcerers casting evil spells on his sick mother.

Sorcerous “attacks” are most commonly treated with sumbalik (counter-spells or antidotes), which are themselves, a form of sorcery and do not usually require interaction with the spirits. They purportedly deflect the effects of the curse and return it to the caster. In extreme cases, sumbalik can kill the caster. Other healing rituals against sorcery do not harm the caster, but instead supposedly moves them to pity and thus revoke the curse.

Persecution, decline, and syncretization
The Spanish colonization of the Philippines and the introduction of Catholic Christianity resulted in the extinction of most native shamanistic practices. Christianity was initially seen by native Filipinos as another type of anito. The Spanish missionaries exploited this misconception in their successful conversion and occupation of most of the islands with minimal military support. Spanish friars were seen as “shamans” whose souls and spirit guides were apparently more powerful than the native ones. They desecrated religious objects, sacred trees, and sacred areas with impunity, earning the awe of the natives. They could also cure various diseases that the native shamans could not.

By the late 16th century, Christian symbols and paraphernalia (like rosaries, crucifixes, and holy water) became fetish objects, and Latin prayers and verses became part of the shaman’s repertoire of magical chants and spells. Anito images (taotao) were replaced by Catholic idols and their rituals syncretized, including attributing anito-like powers to them like miraculous healing from touching them or an ability to possess people. These flourished as they were tolerated by the Spanish clergy as “white magic”. Nature spirits (diwata) during this period were also syncretized with the friars themselves, they became known as engkanto and began to be described as having European features with a propensity for deceiving, seducing, and playing tricks on people.

The previously high status of the babaylan was lost. The role of women and the relative gender egalitarianism of Philippine animistic cultures in general became more subdued under the patriarchal culture of the Spanish. Most babaylan were stigmatized by the Catholic clergy as witches, satanists, or mentally unstable. A few however were assimilated by the church and syncretized their roles into mysticism in the Christian context, becoming faith healers and miracle workers. These include the beata movement in the 17th and 18th century, the messianic (and usually revolutionary) dios-dios movement of the late 19th century, and the espiritista (or spiritista) movement of the 20th century. However, their methods of worship remain basically the same. The faith healers are still in essence, mediums; but instead of channeling anito, they instead claim to channel saints, angels, or the Holy Spirit. Late 20th century and 21st century faith healers also frequently use western esoteric and pseudoscientific terminology and practices (like “psychic energy” and psychic surgery), with little connection to traditional shamanic religions.

Others abandoned the animistic aspects of shamanism and became folk healers (arbularyo), midwives, and practitioners of traditional massage therapy with oils (hilot or haplos). These modern versions of babaylan are now usually male (except midwives). They are usually sought out in minor aliments and in illnesses that modern medicine can not diagnose or cure. Like in ancient babaylan, modern babaylan distinguish between “spiritual diseases” and “natural diseases”, the latter they will usually refer to a medical doctor.

Similarly, among Muslim Filipinos, shamans, usually male, are now relegated to folk healing and in dealing with “indigenous” spirits. All other aspects of the religious life of Muslim Filipinos have been taken over by Islamic religious leaders. A direct equivalent of the Christian Filipino “faith healers” and albolaryo are Islamized shamans known as pandita or guru. They follow Islam but also provide traditional healing practices and cultural rituals retained from their shamanistic past. They usually perform minor rites like aqiqah (cutting the hair of the firstborn) and ruqqiya (exorcism). A version of the traditional massage therapy conducted by folk healers also exist, known as agud or agod among the Maranao and Maguindanao people.

The most strongly affected by this religious shift to Abrahamic religions were the feminized male asog shamans. During the 17th to 18th centuries, Spanish administrators in the Philippines burned people convicted of homosexual relations at the stake and confiscated their possessions, in accordance to a decree by the president of the Real Audiencia, Pedro Hurtado Desquibel. Several instances of such punishments were recorded by the Spanish priest Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his Chronicas de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio (1738–1744).

Feminized men were also persecuted harshly in the (then recently) Islamized ethnic groups in Mindanao. In Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Iolo, y sus adyacentes (1667), the Spanish priest Francisco Combés records that their “unnatural crime” was punished by the Muslim peoples in Mindanao with death by burning or drowning, and that their houses and property were also burned as they believed that it was contagious.

Resistance against colonial rule
A few followers of the native shamanism resisted Spanish rule and conversion, especially in areas difficult to reach for Spanish missionaries, like the highlands of Luzon and the interiors of Mindanao. In Spanish-controlled areas (especially in the Visayas), entire villages would defy the policies of reducciónes (resettlement) and move deeper into the island interiors at the instigation of their babaylan. Shamanistic rituals also continued to be performed secretly in some areas, though these were punished by the Spanish clergy when discovered.

Open revolts led by shamans were common during Spanish rule. Aside from the early revolts in the 17th century, most of these were led by religious leaders who practiced Folk Catholicism rather than true shamanism.

17th century
The first recorded armed revolt led by a babaylan was the Tamblot uprising of Bohol in 1621–1622. It was led by a male shaman named Tamblot who saw the spread of Catholicism as a threat. He rallied around two thousand followers in an effort to “return to the old ways”, but his rebellion was crushed by the Spanish authorities with the help of converted native auxiliaries.

Tamblot’s revolt inspired another rebellion in neighboring Carigara, Leyte in the same time period. The Bankaw revolt was led by a datu named Bankaw and his son Pagali who was a babaylan. Bankaw’s rebellion was notable as Bankaw was one of the first converts to Catholicism in the Philippines. As a young man, he had formerly welcomed the conquistador Miguel López de Legazpi in 1565 when their expedition first landed on the islands. Like Tamblot, Bankaw and Pagali both wanted a return to the old ways. Bankaw renounced his Catholic faith and built a temple to a diwata. Their rebellion was defeated by the Spanish Governor-general Alonso Fajardo de Entenza. Bankaw was beheaded, while Pagali and eighty-one other babaylan were burned at the stake.

The Tapar rebellion was an uprising in Iloilo, Panay led by a babaylan named Tapar in 1663. Tapar syncretized native shamanism with Catholic terminology and declared himself “God Almighty” of a new religion. He also emulated the ancient asog by dressing up in women’s clothing. He and his followers killed a Spanish priest and burned the town church before escaping to the mountains. Tapar and other leaders of his movement were captured and executed by Spanish and Filipino soldiers.

18th century
A religious uprising in 1785 in Ituy (modern Aritao), Nueva Vizcaya was led by healer named Lagutao. He claimed that an outbreak of smallpox in northern Luzon was a result of the natives abandoning their ancestral beliefs. It was suppressed by neighboring Christian townsmen led by Dominican friars.

19th century
The 19th century saw the rise of the dios-dios “shamans”. Dios-dios (literally “god pretender” or “false god”, from Spanish dios) were religious leaders so named because of their penchant for identifying themselves with Christian religious figures. They led cult-like religious movements, promising prosperity, supernatural powers, or healing to their followers. Most were mere charlatans selling amulets and magical pieces of paper. Their members were mostly from the illiterate rural poor who had little knowledge of formal Catholic teachings and were living in extreme poverty under colonial rule.

There are numerous examples of dios-dios leaders in the 19th century. They include Lungao, a healer from Ilocos who claimed he was Jesus Christ in 1811; Ignacio Dimas, who led the “Tres Cristos” of Libmanan, Nueva Cáceres (modern Camarines Sur) who claimed they had supernatural powers over diseases in 1865; Benedicta, an old woman and a healer who called herself “La Santa de Leyte” in 1862 and prophesized that the island of Leyte would sink; Clara Tarrosa, an eighty-year old babaylan in Tigbauan, Iloilo in the late 1880s who proclaimed herself the Virgin Mary and isolated herself and her followers from Spanish rule; Francisco Gonzalez (alias “Francisco Sales” or “Fruto Sales”) of Jaro, Leyte who claimed in 1888 that he was a king sent to save people from another great flood by leading them to a city that would rise from the waves; and many more. These movements were usually suppressed by the Spanish by imprisoning their leaders or exiling them.

The dios-dios movement was initially purely religious, only reacting defensively to Spanish persecution. However, by the 1880s, some dios-dios groups became more violently anti-colonial. The first such group was the one led by Ponciano Elofre, a cabeza de barangay of a sitio of Zamboanguita, Negros Oriental. He took the name “Dios Buhawi” (“Whirlwind God”) and proclaimed himself the savior of the people. He declared that they would stop paying taxes to the Spanish government. He formed a community of around two thousand followers (whom the Spanish authorities called the babaylanes) and would regularly attack Spanish-controlled towns. Emulating the ancient asog shamans, he dressed in women’s clothing and assumed feminine mannerisms even though he was married to a woman. He claimed supernatural powers much like the ancient dalagangan. He was killed while attacking the town of Siaton in 1887. His wife and relatives attempted to continue the movement, but they were eventually captured and exiled by Spanish authorities. The remnants of the group either descended to banditry or joined other later dios-dios movements.

Another dios-dios uprising was led by a shaman named Gregorio Lampinio (better known as “Gregorio Dios”, and also known as “Hilario Pablo” or “Papa”) in Antique from 1888. The uprising was formed near Mount Balabago, a sacred pilgrimage site for shamans. Lampinio led a force of around 400 people. They collected contribuciones babaylanes (a revolutionary tax), disseminated anti-colonial ideas, and launched attacks on towns in Antique and Iloilo. The group was eventually suppressed by the Guardia Civil by 1890.

The last significant dios-dios rebellion in the 19th century was led by Dionisio Magbuelas, better known as Papa Isio (“Pope Isio”). He was a former member of the Dios Buhawi group. He organized his own babaylanes group from remnants of Elofre’s followers and led an uprising in Negros Occidental in 1896 against Spanish rule. After the Philippines was ceded to the United States after the Spanish–American War, he was initially made “military chief” of La Castellana, Negros Occidental under the American government. However, he picked up armed resistance again in 1899 in the Philippine–American War. He surrendered in August 6, 1907 to American authorities and was sentenced to death. This was later commuted to life imprisonment and he died in the Manila Bilibid Prison in 1911.

20th century
Concurrent with Papa Isio’s rebellion in Negros Occidental against American rule, the dios-dios movement in eastern Visayas turned their attention to the new American colonial governement. Calling themselves the Pulajanes (“those who wear red”), they were led by Faustino Ablen (“Papa Faustino”) in Leyte; and Pablo Bulan (“Papa Pablo”), Antonio Anugar, and Pedro de la Cruz in Samar. Like their predecessors, they claimed supernatural powers and used fetishistic amulets, holy oils, and magic spells in battle. They attacked both American troops and local Filipinos cooperating with the American colonial government. The last Pulajanes leader was killed in 1911.

Source from Wikipedia